Skaper magi på Dragefjellet

Injuria.no • 13. februar 2020

Tekst: Nicolai Staavi
Foto: Emilie Franssen

Karmøybuen Johann Ophaug har overrasket, forbløffet og til tider gått folk skikkelig på nervene. Med finaledeltakelse i Norske talenter og Senkveld-opptreden på CV-en, tør jeg påstå at han er fakultetets mest meritterte tryllekunstner.

Nerdete hobby

I 2014 gjennomfører Johann sin Norske talenter-audition «med bind for øynene». Kun ved hjelp av noen fargestifter, en tegning og en halvsøvnig Omer Bhatti, lurer han hele salen trill rundt.

–Det var stort å få være med på tv. Det var noe nytt og kult. Jeg møtte nye mennesker, og det var en vei inn i det skikkelige tryllemiljøet. Det var slik det startet. Jeg har opptrådt en del, og fant ut at det ikke var så skummelt, sier Ophaug.

Tryllemiljøet er Ophaug fremdeles er en del av. Blackpool Magic Convention er verdens største konferanse for tryllekunstnere. Den tiltrekker seg illusjonister fra hele verden. Tidligere headlinere har inkludert navn som Hans Klok, Greg Frewin og Jeff McBride (hvis det ringer en bjelle for noen av dere). Dette måtte Johann naturligvis få med seg.

– Jeg skal til England i februar på en konsernmesse i Blackpool med 4000 tryllekunstnere. Det er bare for moro skyld.  Trylling er en nerdete hobby, og det er ingenting som er kjekkere enn når nerder samles, sier han.

Flere blir oppriktig sinte

Ophaugs trylling begynte med en onkel som lurte ham trill rundt med et korttriks. Onkelen viste korttrikset igjen og igjen, men han klarte ikke å fatte hvordan han gjorde det.

– En dag bestemte jeg meg for at jeg skulle lure ham. Det klarte jeg til slutt. Etter det bare bygget det seg opp. Jeg klarer ikke helt å forklare hvorfor jeg liker det. Det er bare den følelsen av å se folk bli overrasket. Noen blir glade, noen blir sure. Det er noe med følelsen av å sjokkere som det er et eller annet kult med, sier han.

– Er det noen som blir irriterte også?

– Ja, det er flere som blir oppriktig sinte. Jeg har blitt skjelt ut et par ganger. Ofte når det er en blanding av alkohol og trylling, kan folk bli litt hissige. Det er en menneskelig ting at alle vil forstå hva som skjer, så alle du tryller for har et mål om å avsløre deg. De vil forstå hva som skjer. Jeg forstår ikke helt meningen med det, for det kjekke med trikset er å bli lurt, sier Ophaug.

– Kan du onkels korttriks nå?

– Ja. Egentlig så er det ganske grunnleggende, men jeg klarer ennå å lure folk med det. Om folk spør om jeg kan lære bort et triks, er det ofte dette trikset jeg lærer bort, sier han.

For selv om mystikken bak et triks er det Ophaug setter mest pris på, hender det at han lærer bort enkelte kunster.

– Det skjer av og til at jeg gir bort hemmeligheter. Jeg arrangerer fast et julebord for vennene mine. Der har vi alltid en slags tryllekonkurranse, der de får lære seg et triks hver. Så gjelder det å overbevise meg om hvem som er best. Men jeg har et show jeg holder for folk. Det er på en måte jobben min. Der avslører jeg ingenting.

1 493 151 219

Hvor ofte Johann holder show, varierer med årstidene. Når det er tid for sommeravslutninger og julebord, øker arbeidsmengden betraktelig.

–  Jeg tryller også litt på vors og fest og sånn. Hvis folk spør! Holder man på sånn for lenge, blir man til slutt som han irriterende fyren med gitar på nachspiel. Jeg har fått kommentarer fra venner på at jeg må slutte med det, sier han.

Injuria har derimot insistert på å bivåne en illusjon. Johann smiler litt, tar av seg klokka, og legger den mitt på bordet med viseren ned. Før trikset begynner tar han umiddelbart forbehold om at det ikke alltid fungerer. Denne beskjedenheten skulle senere vise seg å være fullstendig unødvendig.

– Vil du bare tenke på et godt minne du har. Det kan være et minne på jussen, fra barndommen, hva som helst, sier han.

Flashback. Kolsås Skisenter. Herrens år 2010. Undertegnede lider av en alvorlig man-flu, men har likevel klart å krype til bakken i håp om at det skal gjøre underverker. På toppen av Kolsåsbakken kan jeg konstatere at det ennå ikke hjulpet noe særlig, men når jeg setter utfor, endrer alt seg. Jeg har medvind, og i det øyeblikket jeg har samme hastighet som vinden, oppnår jeg fullstendig stillhet. Magesmerten forsvinner, og bare for en liten stund, er jeg fri.

Snap, back to reality. Johann gir meg mobilen sin, og ber meg åpne kalkulatoren.

– Kan du skrive inn det årstallet du tror det er? Så trykker du gangetegn.

Og sånn holder vi på i et par minutter. Han ber meg komme på hvilken måned det var, klokkeslett og dag i måneden. Hvert nye element er en ny faktor i gangestykket som til slutt når den nette sum 1 493 151 219. Jeg skriver det ned i blokka mi.

Betyr dette tallet noe for deg, spør Johann. Umiddelbart gjør det aldeles ikke det. Dette tallet er hverken telefonnummer, fødselsdato eller kontoutskriften min. Men Johann spør en gang til.

– Det betyr ingenting for deg? Kanskje vi kan prøve å dele det opp. Du ser det begynner med 14. Vet du hvilken bokstav som er den 14. i alfabetet?

Jeg synger sangen, og lander til slutt på N. Jeg begynner smått å ane hvor det her er på vei hen, men jeg benekter det fortsatt en smule.

– Den niende bokstaven i alfabetet, da? Vet du hva det er?

Jeg tar sangen fra toppen igjen, lander på I, og benektelsen går over i en forbløffelse. Alfabetets tredje bokstav er C (jeg skammer meg litt over å måtte meddele at jeg også her så meg nødt til å synge sangen), den 15. er O, den tolvte er L, den første er A (her trengte jeg ikke å synge sangen), og den niende er som nevnt I. De skarpeste av dere har muligens observert at dette til sammen staver N-I-C-O-L-A-I.

– Før vi begynte la jeg klokka mi på bordet. Hvilket tidspunkt var det du tenkte på?

Tidspunktet var kvart over fem. Gjennom hele seansen har ikke Johann rørt klokka si, men når han plukker den opp, viser den nettopp kvart over fem. Brenn heksa, tenker jeg.

 

 

Av Hannah M. Behncke, Eylül Sahin and Sabrina Eriksen Zapata – ELSA Bergen, Human Rights, Researchgruppen 24. april 2025
Oppression isn’t always loud - it can be the quiet erasure of culture and language, stripping minorities of their freedom to express who they are. Language and culture are two of the most important means to keep one's identity alive. Unfortunately, many minorities face extreme repression regarding their background. The Kurdish ability to perform their culture in Turkey has been a long struggle. This is still the case today, where the Kurdish minority face backlash for speaking their language. This article will look into the Kurdish fight to protect their identity in Turkey. To gain a deeper understanding of the diverse perspectives on this issue, we interviewed a Kurdish and a Turkish citizen of Turkey about their views on the Turkish state's treatment of Kurds. Legal basis Although several international legal frameworks exist to protect minority cultures and languages, Turkey has not incorporated them into its legal system. Article 27 of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights explicitly states that “minorities shall not be denied the right […] to enjoy their culture, [...] or to use their own language.” However, despite ratifying the ICCPR, Turkey made a reservation excluding Article 27. Similarly, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages requires minority languages to be accessible in education, judicial court proceedings, and in the media. However, Turkey has not ratified this charter. Domestically, the Turkish constitution does not recognize Kurds as a minority. In fact, article 42 explicitly prohibits the “teaching of any language other than Turkish as a mother tongue to Turkish citizens”.1 As a result, the Kurdish language lacks legal protection, unlike Ladino, Greek, and Armenian, which are safeguarded under the Treaty of Lausanne (1923).2 Historical overview After the Ottoman Empire's collapse, the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres promised Kurdish autonomy, but the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne nullified it, dividing Kurdistan among Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria without self-rule.3 Under Atatürk, Turkey enforced homogenization, banning Kurdish in public, closing Kurdish schools, renaming villages (1924) and forcibly relocating Kurds—even though most Kurds did not speak Turkish.4 The state criminalized Kurdish, promoted Citizen, Speak Turkish! and justified relocations as a tool to suppress identity.5 The Sheikh Sa’id Rebellion (1925), led by Kurdish nationalists and Islamists, was brutally crushed, triggering long-term conflict. Martial law and mass deportations lasted until 1939, while uprisings in Ararat (1930) and Dersim (1937–38) faced massacres, bombings, and poison gas, drawing parallels to the Armenian Genocide.6 Allegations of British support for Kurdish rebels persist, but remain debated.7 Kurdish political movements resurfaced in the 1960s and 1970s, with the Kurdish Democratic Party of Turkey (1965) and the Marxist-Leninist PKK (1978) engaging in armed resistance. Turkey designated the PKK a terrorist group in 1997, followed by the US and EU.8 Forced displacement continued, with over a million Kurds migrating between 1950 and 1980 due to state violence and poverty.9 The 1980 military coup further suppressed Kurdish politics, banning education (1982) and publications (Law No. 2932, 1983).10 Despite lifting the language ban in 1991, Kurdish broadcasting remained illegal until 2002. From 1984 to 1999, Turkey destroyed 4,000 Kurdish villages, displaced three million people, and killed tens of thousands in its campaign against Kurdish insurgency.11 The 1991 language bill allowed limited private Kurdish use, but public use remained restricted. Some progress followed in the 21st century, including Kurdish-language broadcasts (2004), a state-run TV channel (2009), and Kurdish as an optional school subject (2012), though full linguistic and cultural rights remain elusive. Oral storytelling (Dengbêj) persisted despite restrictions. Between 2013 and 2015, Turkey’s peace talks with the PKK, involving Abdullah Öcalan, PKK commanders, and pro-Kurdish HDP intermediaries, collapsed—renewing conflict in southeastern Turkey.12 Arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, torture, and land dispossession persist, as security forces often fail to distinguish civilians from PKK members.13 How is the situation today? An estimated 12–20 million Kurds live in Turkey, making up approximately 14–23% of the country's population. The wide range in estimates is due to the absence of ethnicity-related data in official statistics and the social and political stigma that may lead some to conceal their identity.14 As Kurds originate from various countries, most today identify with the state in which they reside. Surveys suggest that many Kurds feel a strong sense of discrimination. Only 28% believe they are treated equally to ethnic Turks, while 58% report experiencing discrimination. Some have even been denied medical services and housing due to their ethnicity.15 To better understand these challenges, we spoke with a Kurdish individual from Elbistan, Turkey, who spent most of his life there before relocating. When asked if he had ever felt pressure speaking Kurdish in public, he recalled visits to public institutions where his family, unable to speak Turkish, had to use Kurdish, but were not allowed to. “It always made us feel fear and anxiety”, he said. He also described restrictions on Kurdish culture: “Whenever we listened to Kurdish music or played traditional games outside, we knew we were being watched. Some of my friends were even detained just for playing games with Kurdish music. It felt like our culture was a crime.” In contrast, a Turkish conservative nationalist offered a different perspective. While personally holding nationalist views, he answered the questions in general terms, arguing that Kurds are integrated into society and do not face systemic barriers. When asked if there was tension between Turks and Kurds in daily life, he dismissed the idea: “Generalizing Turkey’s sociology is difficult, but I don’t see any real barrier. I have Kurdish friends and colleagues, and background doesn’t matter to us. In cities like Istanbul, people aren’t judged based on race, religion, language, or culture.” Even though he acknowledged past discrimination, he viewed it as a historical issue rather than an ongoing one. While the two perspectives differ, they reflect broader discussions on the extent of cultural and linguistic inclusion in Turkey. Surveys suggest that many Kurds report experiencing discrimination, while some view Kurdish cultural expression as unrestricted. The extent to which Kurdish identity is freely expressed - or whether challenges remain - continues to be a subject of debate. The survival of Kurdish culture in Turkey In a survey conducted regarding Kurdish identity, only 30% of Kurds reported their Kurdish language skills to be “good”, and of this 30%, only 44% of them reported that their children had the same strong language skills.16 This suggests that it is harder for each passing generation to maintain and teach the Kurdish language. So how has the oppression impacted Kurdish ability to maintain their language? According to the latter interviewee “Kurdish is spoken openly, cultural traditions are practiced, and there are Kurdish-language newspapers and TV channels”. Media As mentioned above, the Turkish government continuously violates the “freedom of expression”. In 2021, Turkey was the country with most cases regarding violation to “freedom of expression” before the European Court of Human Rights.17 Regarding Kurdish media, there has been a consistent crackdown on Kurdish media platforms. There has also been consistent imprisonment of journalists either writing in Kurdish or regarding Kurdish repression. For instance, Nedim Turfent was sentenced to 8 years imprisonment in 2017 for covering the clashes between the Turkish army and the PKK. In his sentence, he was charged with “membership of a terrorist organization”.18 Education The Educational accessibility to teaching Kurdish has improved in the years. Students in cities with a high population of Kurds, can choose Kurdish as a subject in primary- and secondary school. In addition, some state level universities offer Kurdish programs. However, these educational means have been greatly criticized by Kurdish activists, in regard to the government lowering the quality of education by not supplying enough teachers and appropriate materials needed for the classes.19 Final remarks Language is not just a means of communication; it embodies history, culture, and identity. The Kurdish struggle for linguistic freedom in Turkey is a fight for existence, where legal barriers and social stigmas persist despite claims of progress. While the government insists on inclusivity, Kurdish activists highlight ongoing repression, and for many, fear and anxiety remain. The future of Kurdish identity depends not just on legal reforms but on broader acceptance within Turkish society. Whether true equality is within reach - or remains a distant hope - ultimately depends on who you ask.
Av Injuria 24. april 2025
I denne utgaven: Nordtveit, Ernst - " Rettar til nausttomt " - 1982