En advokatbransje for alle?

Injuria.no • 21. januar 2021

Tekst: Maria Lie Jordheim og Eilert Midttun Rostrup
Foto: Hans Ola Hevrøy, Thommessen

De siste 10-15 årene har antall kvinner på jusstudiet blant Norges universiteter økt i høyt tempo. Ved årets opptak var 64% av søkerne som fikk plass på rettsvitenskap kvinner. Man skulle gjerne tenkt det naturlig at dette forholdet ville gjenspeilet kjønnsbalansen rundt på landets advokatkontorer. Virkeligheten er imidlertid en annen. Advokatbladet undersøkte landets 25 største advokatfirmaer i 2020, og tallene viser at andelen kvinnelige praktiserende advokater i Norge er på 37%, og enda mindre blant partnere i landets advokatfirmaer på 17,2%.

– Fra mitt perspektiv er det ønskelig at alle deler av advokatbransjen oppleves og er reelt sett åpent for alle, sier Heidi Jorkjend, senioradvokat og nyopptatt partner i Thommessen, og medlem av Advokatforeningens Kvinneutvalg.

Advokatforeningens kvinneutvalg har i en årrekke arbeidet for å «fremme innsikt og kunnskap om kvinnelige advokaters utfordringer i advokatbransjen, og øke andelen kvinnelige advokater». Utvalget arrangerer debatter og seminarer, og har også gjennomført mentorordninger for kvinnelige advokater.

Kvinneutvalget endret nylig navn til  «Utvalget for å fremme likestilling og mangfold i advokatyrket» (Mangfoldsutvalget). Ifølge Jorkjend er denne utviklingen helt på sin plass da mange av de samme mekanismene som gjør seg gjeldende i kjønnsproblematikken også spiller inn ved problematikk omkring bakgrunn, kultur eller religion etc.

Jorkjend anser mangfold og likestilling i advokatbransjen som svært viktig. Hun mener økt mangfold i advokatbransjen ikke bare er en verdi i seg selv, men også et tiltak som viktig for å sikre høyest mulig kvalitet på advokatleveransene. I jussens verden må det foretas mange skjønnsvurderinger, og mangfold i næringslivet vil, i Jorkjends øyne, føre til en enda bedre forutsetning for å ta slike vurderinger.

–  Hvis alle kommer fra samme universitet, har mer eller mindre like oppvekstsvilkår og likt syn på saker, så er det klart at man ikke har de beste forutsetningene for å se ulike problemstillinger fra flere sider. Og det tenker jeg er viktig for klienter, forteller Jorkjend.

– Våre klienter stillerskyhøye krav til at vi klarer å levere verdi og kvalitet. For å få til dette trenger vi forskjellig mennesketyper på alle nivåer i firmaet slik at ulike perspektiver bringes til bordet, legger hun til.

Mye av advokathverdagen foregår i team, og ifølge Jorkjend er det da verdifullt å ha ulike perspektiver på ting.

Selv har hun to barn. Hun mener man må knuse litt av mytene knyttet til det å være advokat. og i dette arbeidet mener Jorkjend at det å ha forbilder står sentralt:

– Om du ikke ser noen som deg selv som er partnere, ingen du kan identifisere deg med. Da er det kanskje vanskeligere å se seg selv i en slik rolle.

I den anledning lanserer Jorkjend, med flere fra utvalget, podkasten “Inkludert” på nyåret for å gi et innblikk i hva det faktisk vil si å være advokat.

For å knuse myter omkring advokatyrket lanserer Jorkjend med andre advokater podkasten “Inkludert”.

– Tanken er å bidra til at studenter og forholdsvis nyansatte hører og lærer litt om hvordan det faktisk er å være advokat. Håpet er da at flere innser at det både er gøy og mulig for alle.

Framtidsutsikter

Advokatfirmaet Berngaard ble nylig det første advokatfirmaet i Norge til å ha like mange kvinnelige som mannlige partnere, og det kan utenfra virke som om likestilling og mangfold i advokatbransjen har i større grad blitt satt på dagsorden.

 Jorkjend mener også at framtiden ser lys ut og at fokuset har økt betraktelig den siste tiden.

– Jeg tror og opplever fra både min egen arbeidsgiver og de jeg har snakket med i andre sammenhenger at det er et genuint ønske og en vilje til å få alle talenter i alle former opp som kandidater. I Thommessen har vi i flere år jobbet med å få opp flere kvinnelige senioradvokater og partnere, og på samme måte ønsker vi å lykkes enda bedre fremover med å tiltrekke oss og beholde medarbeidere med flerkulturell kompetanse, noe som har fått en tydelig plass i vår nye strategiplan, sier hun og legger til:

- Firmaer har satt dette på agendaen i stor grad, i tillegg til at klientene nå stiller høyere krav enn før. Jorkjend mener at det er viktig for studentene å ikke basere valgene sine om mulig retning i arbeidslivet på antagelser.

– Hvis du i utgangspunktet tenker at du kunne ha lyst til å jobbe med et forretningsjuridisk område, men tror at advokatvirksomhet ikke er noe for deg fordi du har lyst på barn, eller du syns det er gøy å spille fotball og gjerne vil ha tid til det, så ikke bare anta det. Start med et traineeopphold hos et forretningsadvokatfirma, og snakk med noen som faktisk jobber med det du kunne tenke deg. Da tar du i det minste et informert valg før du bestemmer deg for at dette ikke er for deg, sier hun og legger til:

– Vi leter alltid etter de beste hodene, og synes det er veldig synd hvis noen ikke søker fordi de har visse antagelser om hvordan advokatyrket er.

 

Av Hannah M. Behncke, Eylül Sahin and Sabrina Eriksen Zapata – ELSA Bergen, Human Rights, Researchgruppen 24. april 2025
Oppression isn’t always loud - it can be the quiet erasure of culture and language, stripping minorities of their freedom to express who they are. Language and culture are two of the most important means to keep one's identity alive. Unfortunately, many minorities face extreme repression regarding their background. The Kurdish ability to perform their culture in Turkey has been a long struggle. This is still the case today, where the Kurdish minority face backlash for speaking their language. This article will look into the Kurdish fight to protect their identity in Turkey. To gain a deeper understanding of the diverse perspectives on this issue, we interviewed a Kurdish and a Turkish citizen of Turkey about their views on the Turkish state's treatment of Kurds. Legal basis Although several international legal frameworks exist to protect minority cultures and languages, Turkey has not incorporated them into its legal system. Article 27 of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights explicitly states that “minorities shall not be denied the right […] to enjoy their culture, [...] or to use their own language.” However, despite ratifying the ICCPR, Turkey made a reservation excluding Article 27. Similarly, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages requires minority languages to be accessible in education, judicial court proceedings, and in the media. However, Turkey has not ratified this charter. Domestically, the Turkish constitution does not recognize Kurds as a minority. In fact, article 42 explicitly prohibits the “teaching of any language other than Turkish as a mother tongue to Turkish citizens”.1 As a result, the Kurdish language lacks legal protection, unlike Ladino, Greek, and Armenian, which are safeguarded under the Treaty of Lausanne (1923).2 Historical overview After the Ottoman Empire's collapse, the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres promised Kurdish autonomy, but the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne nullified it, dividing Kurdistan among Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria without self-rule.3 Under Atatürk, Turkey enforced homogenization, banning Kurdish in public, closing Kurdish schools, renaming villages (1924) and forcibly relocating Kurds—even though most Kurds did not speak Turkish.4 The state criminalized Kurdish, promoted Citizen, Speak Turkish! and justified relocations as a tool to suppress identity.5 The Sheikh Sa’id Rebellion (1925), led by Kurdish nationalists and Islamists, was brutally crushed, triggering long-term conflict. Martial law and mass deportations lasted until 1939, while uprisings in Ararat (1930) and Dersim (1937–38) faced massacres, bombings, and poison gas, drawing parallels to the Armenian Genocide.6 Allegations of British support for Kurdish rebels persist, but remain debated.7 Kurdish political movements resurfaced in the 1960s and 1970s, with the Kurdish Democratic Party of Turkey (1965) and the Marxist-Leninist PKK (1978) engaging in armed resistance. Turkey designated the PKK a terrorist group in 1997, followed by the US and EU.8 Forced displacement continued, with over a million Kurds migrating between 1950 and 1980 due to state violence and poverty.9 The 1980 military coup further suppressed Kurdish politics, banning education (1982) and publications (Law No. 2932, 1983).10 Despite lifting the language ban in 1991, Kurdish broadcasting remained illegal until 2002. From 1984 to 1999, Turkey destroyed 4,000 Kurdish villages, displaced three million people, and killed tens of thousands in its campaign against Kurdish insurgency.11 The 1991 language bill allowed limited private Kurdish use, but public use remained restricted. Some progress followed in the 21st century, including Kurdish-language broadcasts (2004), a state-run TV channel (2009), and Kurdish as an optional school subject (2012), though full linguistic and cultural rights remain elusive. Oral storytelling (Dengbêj) persisted despite restrictions. Between 2013 and 2015, Turkey’s peace talks with the PKK, involving Abdullah Öcalan, PKK commanders, and pro-Kurdish HDP intermediaries, collapsed—renewing conflict in southeastern Turkey.12 Arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, torture, and land dispossession persist, as security forces often fail to distinguish civilians from PKK members.13 How is the situation today? An estimated 12–20 million Kurds live in Turkey, making up approximately 14–23% of the country's population. The wide range in estimates is due to the absence of ethnicity-related data in official statistics and the social and political stigma that may lead some to conceal their identity.14 As Kurds originate from various countries, most today identify with the state in which they reside. Surveys suggest that many Kurds feel a strong sense of discrimination. Only 28% believe they are treated equally to ethnic Turks, while 58% report experiencing discrimination. Some have even been denied medical services and housing due to their ethnicity.15 To better understand these challenges, we spoke with a Kurdish individual from Elbistan, Turkey, who spent most of his life there before relocating. When asked if he had ever felt pressure speaking Kurdish in public, he recalled visits to public institutions where his family, unable to speak Turkish, had to use Kurdish, but were not allowed to. “It always made us feel fear and anxiety”, he said. He also described restrictions on Kurdish culture: “Whenever we listened to Kurdish music or played traditional games outside, we knew we were being watched. Some of my friends were even detained just for playing games with Kurdish music. It felt like our culture was a crime.” In contrast, a Turkish conservative nationalist offered a different perspective. While personally holding nationalist views, he answered the questions in general terms, arguing that Kurds are integrated into society and do not face systemic barriers. When asked if there was tension between Turks and Kurds in daily life, he dismissed the idea: “Generalizing Turkey’s sociology is difficult, but I don’t see any real barrier. I have Kurdish friends and colleagues, and background doesn’t matter to us. In cities like Istanbul, people aren’t judged based on race, religion, language, or culture.” Even though he acknowledged past discrimination, he viewed it as a historical issue rather than an ongoing one. While the two perspectives differ, they reflect broader discussions on the extent of cultural and linguistic inclusion in Turkey. Surveys suggest that many Kurds report experiencing discrimination, while some view Kurdish cultural expression as unrestricted. The extent to which Kurdish identity is freely expressed - or whether challenges remain - continues to be a subject of debate. The survival of Kurdish culture in Turkey In a survey conducted regarding Kurdish identity, only 30% of Kurds reported their Kurdish language skills to be “good”, and of this 30%, only 44% of them reported that their children had the same strong language skills.16 This suggests that it is harder for each passing generation to maintain and teach the Kurdish language. So how has the oppression impacted Kurdish ability to maintain their language? According to the latter interviewee “Kurdish is spoken openly, cultural traditions are practiced, and there are Kurdish-language newspapers and TV channels”. Media As mentioned above, the Turkish government continuously violates the “freedom of expression”. In 2021, Turkey was the country with most cases regarding violation to “freedom of expression” before the European Court of Human Rights.17 Regarding Kurdish media, there has been a consistent crackdown on Kurdish media platforms. There has also been consistent imprisonment of journalists either writing in Kurdish or regarding Kurdish repression. For instance, Nedim Turfent was sentenced to 8 years imprisonment in 2017 for covering the clashes between the Turkish army and the PKK. In his sentence, he was charged with “membership of a terrorist organization”.18 Education The Educational accessibility to teaching Kurdish has improved in the years. Students in cities with a high population of Kurds, can choose Kurdish as a subject in primary- and secondary school. In addition, some state level universities offer Kurdish programs. However, these educational means have been greatly criticized by Kurdish activists, in regard to the government lowering the quality of education by not supplying enough teachers and appropriate materials needed for the classes.19 Final remarks Language is not just a means of communication; it embodies history, culture, and identity. The Kurdish struggle for linguistic freedom in Turkey is a fight for existence, where legal barriers and social stigmas persist despite claims of progress. While the government insists on inclusivity, Kurdish activists highlight ongoing repression, and for many, fear and anxiety remain. The future of Kurdish identity depends not just on legal reforms but on broader acceptance within Turkish society. Whether true equality is within reach - or remains a distant hope - ultimately depends on who you ask.
Av Injuria 24. april 2025
I denne utgaven: Nordtveit, Ernst - " Rettar til nausttomt " - 1982