Jurist i Kongens klær

Injuria.no • 26. september 2016

Masteroppgaven er levert og du er endelig ferdig utdannet jurist. To måneder senere sitter du ute i felten og pusser våpen. Dette var tilfellet for Lars Mathias Undheim. Han fullførte mastergraden sin her i Bergen i fjor. I dag har han vært ansatt som løytnant ved Forsvarets høyskole i Oslo i snart ett år. Undheim ønsker at flere skal åpne øynene for de mange mulighetene vi jurister har etter endt studie.

Tekst: Ida Sesaker og Sandra Heimsæter 

Helt innledningsvis, kan du fortelle litt om hva arbeidet ditt går ut på? Hvordan er en typisk arbeidsdag for deg?

– Jeg er ansatt som vernepliktig akademisk befal i Forsvaret. Dette er en ordning for nyutdannede som ikke har tatt verneplikten sin. Den går ut på at du er plassert ett år ved en avdeling i Forsvaret. Jeg er nå ved Forsvarets høgskole i Oslo, ved Akershus festning.

– Mine arbeidsoppgaver innebærer egentlig veldig lite praktisering av jussen. Jeg driver ikke med saksbehandling eller juridisk argumentasjon overfor en motpart. Likevel er arbeidet fullgodt juridisk siden det er en akademisk juridisk stilling hvor jeg underviser de vernepliktige i blant annet det juridiske grunnlaget for Forsvaret og de folkerettslige reglene som gjelder i en væpnet konflikt. I denne sammenheng er for eksempel hjemmelen for militær makt sentral. Jeg driver altså mye med folkerett og det mye omtalte NIRI-faget. NIRI er et kjempeinteressant fag! I tillegg til dette har jeg ansvar for å planlegge og utvikle undervisning, seminar og lignende. Jeg skal nå i oktober ha et seminar om Syria og hvilke rettslige problemstillinger som oppstår rundt statens selvforsvar.

– Dersom krig skulle bryte ut, vil min oppgave være å gi juridisk rådgivning om lovligheten av de ulike handlingene Forsvaret vil foreta seg i krigen.

Hvordan var overgangen fra skole til arbeid? Føler du at du har fått bruk for det du lærte gjennom studiet?

– Det vi lærer på studiet er jo i grunnen en akademisk disiplin, og derfor en grunnstein som både er nødvendig og nyttig når vi skal ut i arbeid. Som nevnt tidligere, har jeg særlig fått bruk for det vi lærte om i NIRI.

-Min overgang fra skole til arbeid skiller seg nok veldig fra de fleste andres. Den innebar at jeg ble plassert i skogen der jeg blant annet måtte pusse våpen, mens jeg holdt vakt og frøs av meg mine edle deler. Alle som skal tjenestegjøre som militærjurist i Forsvaret må gjennom en grunnleggende soldatopplæring. Vi skal jo tross alt kunne fungere som soldater om en krig skulle bryte ut. Dette besto mine to første måneder av. At jeg skulle ende opp med å gjøre noe slikt, hadde jeg aldri sett for meg. Likevel synes jeg dette var en veldig givende måte å gå over til grønt på, blant annet fordi jeg fikk trening i lederskap og forståelse for det som skjer på bakken.

Dersom du kunne gjort én ting annerledes i løpet av studiet, hva ville det vært?

– Om jeg kunne gjort én ting om igjen ville jeg nok vært mer ute, festet mer og brukt mer tid blant folk. Jeg presset meg til å få toppkarakterer, noe jeg ikke tror var nødvendig. Studietiden kommer bare én gang. Når den er over, får du den aldri tilbake. Det såkalte A/B-snittet er bare tull. Det er ikke nødvendig med bare toppkarakterer. Alt dette er bare en unødvendig begrensning vi legger på oss selv i studietiden.

– Jusspust er noe jeg har bitt meg merke i, og jeg synes det er en svært god kampanje. Jeg har derimot merket at de har en tendens til å utelukkende fokusere på de som ikke fikk så gode karakterer, men likevel greide seg fint. Jeg har fått gode karakterer, men jeg tror ikke det var spesielt viktig. Gode resultater åpner selvfølgelig flere dører, men det er så absolutt ikke avgjørende. Jeg kjenner mange som ikke gikk ut med “drømmesnittet”, men alle disse greier seg fint den dag i dag.

– Blås i snittet! Fokuser heller på gleden av å lære jussen. Finner du dette engasjementet, kommer de gode resultatene av seg selv. Dersom du bare fokuserer på å få best mulig karakterer, har du satt deg feil mål.

Var det en slik jobb du i utgangspunktet hadde tenkt deg? Hvordan kom du i kontakt med akkurat denne arbeidsgiveren?

– Da jeg nærmet meg slutten av studiet, var jeg ikke sikker på hva jeg ville. Jeg hadde prøvd meg på mye forskjellig, deriblant flere praktikantstillinger. I og med at jeg var så usikker, passet det veldig godt at jeg fikk mulighet til å være ett år i Forsvaret. Det må likevel minnes om at dette så absolutt ikke er et friår. Man må være klar over alvoret ved Forsvaret. Vår oppgave er å forsvare våre mest grunnleggende verdier, som gjenspeiles i Forsvaret sitt slagord «For alt vi har og alt vi er».

– Det er ikke spesielt god markedsføring rundt denne stillingen, noe jeg jobber med nå. Jeg kom likevel over dette gjennom en liten notis på Mi side rett før jeg leverte masteroppgaven min. Den lød «Vil du bli offiser?», og ja, det ville jeg! Denne stillingen gjaldt flere av de temaene jeg interesserte meg for under studiet. Når det er sagt, har Forsvaret hele spekteret av fagområder. Her finner du garantert noe som interesserer deg!

– Har du noen avsluttende ord til leseren?

Senk skuldrene, pust rolig og ikke ta studiet for seriøst. Gjør noen tabber! Ta vare på studietiden og fokuser på det spennende ved jussen. Og se opp, mulighetene er så mange flere enn du tror!

Til opplysning er søknadsfristen i løpet av oktober og april. Hvis du ønsker å lese mer om tjeneste som vernepliktig akademiker, kan du besøke https://forsvaret.no/karriere/forstegangstjeneste/muligheter/annet/vab-jurist.

Av Hannah M. Behncke, Eylül Sahin and Sabrina Eriksen Zapata – ELSA Bergen, Human Rights, Researchgruppen 24. april 2025
Oppression isn’t always loud - it can be the quiet erasure of culture and language, stripping minorities of their freedom to express who they are. Language and culture are two of the most important means to keep one's identity alive. Unfortunately, many minorities face extreme repression regarding their background. The Kurdish ability to perform their culture in Turkey has been a long struggle. This is still the case today, where the Kurdish minority face backlash for speaking their language. This article will look into the Kurdish fight to protect their identity in Turkey. To gain a deeper understanding of the diverse perspectives on this issue, we interviewed a Kurdish and a Turkish citizen of Turkey about their views on the Turkish state's treatment of Kurds. Legal basis Although several international legal frameworks exist to protect minority cultures and languages, Turkey has not incorporated them into its legal system. Article 27 of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights explicitly states that “minorities shall not be denied the right […] to enjoy their culture, [...] or to use their own language.” However, despite ratifying the ICCPR, Turkey made a reservation excluding Article 27. Similarly, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages requires minority languages to be accessible in education, judicial court proceedings, and in the media. However, Turkey has not ratified this charter. Domestically, the Turkish constitution does not recognize Kurds as a minority. In fact, article 42 explicitly prohibits the “teaching of any language other than Turkish as a mother tongue to Turkish citizens”.1 As a result, the Kurdish language lacks legal protection, unlike Ladino, Greek, and Armenian, which are safeguarded under the Treaty of Lausanne (1923).2 Historical overview After the Ottoman Empire's collapse, the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres promised Kurdish autonomy, but the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne nullified it, dividing Kurdistan among Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria without self-rule.3 Under Atatürk, Turkey enforced homogenization, banning Kurdish in public, closing Kurdish schools, renaming villages (1924) and forcibly relocating Kurds—even though most Kurds did not speak Turkish.4 The state criminalized Kurdish, promoted Citizen, Speak Turkish! and justified relocations as a tool to suppress identity.5 The Sheikh Sa’id Rebellion (1925), led by Kurdish nationalists and Islamists, was brutally crushed, triggering long-term conflict. Martial law and mass deportations lasted until 1939, while uprisings in Ararat (1930) and Dersim (1937–38) faced massacres, bombings, and poison gas, drawing parallels to the Armenian Genocide.6 Allegations of British support for Kurdish rebels persist, but remain debated.7 Kurdish political movements resurfaced in the 1960s and 1970s, with the Kurdish Democratic Party of Turkey (1965) and the Marxist-Leninist PKK (1978) engaging in armed resistance. Turkey designated the PKK a terrorist group in 1997, followed by the US and EU.8 Forced displacement continued, with over a million Kurds migrating between 1950 and 1980 due to state violence and poverty.9 The 1980 military coup further suppressed Kurdish politics, banning education (1982) and publications (Law No. 2932, 1983).10 Despite lifting the language ban in 1991, Kurdish broadcasting remained illegal until 2002. From 1984 to 1999, Turkey destroyed 4,000 Kurdish villages, displaced three million people, and killed tens of thousands in its campaign against Kurdish insurgency.11 The 1991 language bill allowed limited private Kurdish use, but public use remained restricted. Some progress followed in the 21st century, including Kurdish-language broadcasts (2004), a state-run TV channel (2009), and Kurdish as an optional school subject (2012), though full linguistic and cultural rights remain elusive. Oral storytelling (Dengbêj) persisted despite restrictions. Between 2013 and 2015, Turkey’s peace talks with the PKK, involving Abdullah Öcalan, PKK commanders, and pro-Kurdish HDP intermediaries, collapsed—renewing conflict in southeastern Turkey.12 Arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, torture, and land dispossession persist, as security forces often fail to distinguish civilians from PKK members.13 How is the situation today? An estimated 12–20 million Kurds live in Turkey, making up approximately 14–23% of the country's population. The wide range in estimates is due to the absence of ethnicity-related data in official statistics and the social and political stigma that may lead some to conceal their identity.14 As Kurds originate from various countries, most today identify with the state in which they reside. Surveys suggest that many Kurds feel a strong sense of discrimination. Only 28% believe they are treated equally to ethnic Turks, while 58% report experiencing discrimination. Some have even been denied medical services and housing due to their ethnicity.15 To better understand these challenges, we spoke with a Kurdish individual from Elbistan, Turkey, who spent most of his life there before relocating. When asked if he had ever felt pressure speaking Kurdish in public, he recalled visits to public institutions where his family, unable to speak Turkish, had to use Kurdish, but were not allowed to. “It always made us feel fear and anxiety”, he said. He also described restrictions on Kurdish culture: “Whenever we listened to Kurdish music or played traditional games outside, we knew we were being watched. Some of my friends were even detained just for playing games with Kurdish music. It felt like our culture was a crime.” In contrast, a Turkish conservative nationalist offered a different perspective. While personally holding nationalist views, he answered the questions in general terms, arguing that Kurds are integrated into society and do not face systemic barriers. When asked if there was tension between Turks and Kurds in daily life, he dismissed the idea: “Generalizing Turkey’s sociology is difficult, but I don’t see any real barrier. I have Kurdish friends and colleagues, and background doesn’t matter to us. In cities like Istanbul, people aren’t judged based on race, religion, language, or culture.” Even though he acknowledged past discrimination, he viewed it as a historical issue rather than an ongoing one. While the two perspectives differ, they reflect broader discussions on the extent of cultural and linguistic inclusion in Turkey. Surveys suggest that many Kurds report experiencing discrimination, while some view Kurdish cultural expression as unrestricted. The extent to which Kurdish identity is freely expressed - or whether challenges remain - continues to be a subject of debate. The survival of Kurdish culture in Turkey In a survey conducted regarding Kurdish identity, only 30% of Kurds reported their Kurdish language skills to be “good”, and of this 30%, only 44% of them reported that their children had the same strong language skills.16 This suggests that it is harder for each passing generation to maintain and teach the Kurdish language. So how has the oppression impacted Kurdish ability to maintain their language? According to the latter interviewee “Kurdish is spoken openly, cultural traditions are practiced, and there are Kurdish-language newspapers and TV channels”. Media As mentioned above, the Turkish government continuously violates the “freedom of expression”. In 2021, Turkey was the country with most cases regarding violation to “freedom of expression” before the European Court of Human Rights.17 Regarding Kurdish media, there has been a consistent crackdown on Kurdish media platforms. There has also been consistent imprisonment of journalists either writing in Kurdish or regarding Kurdish repression. For instance, Nedim Turfent was sentenced to 8 years imprisonment in 2017 for covering the clashes between the Turkish army and the PKK. In his sentence, he was charged with “membership of a terrorist organization”.18 Education The Educational accessibility to teaching Kurdish has improved in the years. Students in cities with a high population of Kurds, can choose Kurdish as a subject in primary- and secondary school. In addition, some state level universities offer Kurdish programs. However, these educational means have been greatly criticized by Kurdish activists, in regard to the government lowering the quality of education by not supplying enough teachers and appropriate materials needed for the classes.19 Final remarks Language is not just a means of communication; it embodies history, culture, and identity. The Kurdish struggle for linguistic freedom in Turkey is a fight for existence, where legal barriers and social stigmas persist despite claims of progress. While the government insists on inclusivity, Kurdish activists highlight ongoing repression, and for many, fear and anxiety remain. The future of Kurdish identity depends not just on legal reforms but on broader acceptance within Turkish society. Whether true equality is within reach - or remains a distant hope - ultimately depends on who you ask.
Av Injuria 24. april 2025
I denne utgaven: Nordtveit, Ernst - " Rettar til nausttomt " - 1982